Requirements for Effective Activism

Purpose

Given the amount of wasteful efforts many activist organizations engage in, at a time when such efforts must be as efficient as possible in making a difference for the cause, it is necessary to develop a systematic approach to demonstrations, to be implemented at both the planning and execution phases. In this way, we can make more efficient use of our time, money, and personal and be able to more easily measure any success or failures we may have, as well as better evaluate what side of that criteria any event falls on.

Another reason for the creation of this systematic method is that traditional protests have seen diminishing returns as far as effectiveness goes[1]. Nothing is gained by conforming to liberal ideas of activism when they achieve nothing for anyone but the few media sources covering them or give those involved a good feeling about themselves. Recall the BLM movement that made idealistic demands to supposedly allied politicians, who then gave the police more money[2]. We’re Communists, and must therefore be organized and act with material purpose.

Throughout this article, you will see a focus on the local community for activism, rather than large, sweeping public demonstrations that get national attention. The community is the foundation of our efforts, for when things get tough, it is the local community that matters.

Organizational Requirements to Activism

There are three main requirements for any effective activist demonstration, as follows:

  1. The demonstration must benefit the community;
  2. The demonstration must benefit the organization;
  3. The demonstration must be guided by material, achievable aims.

Benefit to the Community

Seeing as the aim of our organization is to provide for the communities in which we are a part, and therefore prove to them that communism is in their own best interests, any activity we engage in must have at its core goal the improvement of the lives of those around us, even by a miniscule amount, and even if they themselves may not see it clearly.

Part of this criteria is that a members commit to a level of discipline that other organizations lack. We cannot or should not be seen as overly antagonistic towards the community, even when individuals in that community may be hostile towards us. The flip side of this, of course, is that we should not be overly peaceable to the point that we become an easy target for hostile forces against us. We must maintain the discipline to engage with the people at times inconvenient or difficult to ourselves personally, remembering that it is a small sacrifice for the ultimate end of service to others.

 “Benefit to the community” can mean a great many things, and even a protest bringing attention to a cause or injustice can serve the community in the long term. What the benefit(s) is or are should be something that a demonstration’s organizers consider and can properly articulate when asked.

This requirement serves to ground our activism in the community, rather than as a force of outside agitators. It demonstrates that communism is not just a protest movement or book club, as is often the claims against us, but one that actually helps the people. A march of thousands on a capital building might get us national media attention, but it means very little to people living in the streets. For those watching us on TV, our work would be a passing interest, for those we help in our communities, we might be able to achieve real change for their lives (even if mass media should not be ignored to carry the message[3]).

Benefit to the Organization

As calculating as it may sound, we should not engage in anything that does not benefit us in some way, either by simply showing up to be recognized or by leading our own demonstrations. We don’t have the resources to squander on things that can’t serve our ends. It should also be remembered that our service to the working class means that something that benefits us, would in turn normally benefit the wider proletariat, but this should not be taken for granted.

One of the important aspects we must always consider is the propaganda value of any actions we take. For better or worse we are engaged in a battle for the hearts and minds of the world’s working class with the forces of capitalism, who own most of the means of mass communication. We cannot afford to surrender ground that we can keep so easily because it seems crass to us personally. This is something that Communist leaders have understood to be important throughout the history of our movement[4], and it is something that we cannot ignore.

Part of this requirement is that anything we do must be visible and public (unless there is good reason for it to be otherwise, such as cadre operations). As the saying goes, a protest that causes no controversy is simply a parade. We must stir controversy among the general public, if only to alert other unaffiliated communists and leftists that we exist. Walking with signs down an unused alleyway is easy and safe, but it won’t do anything for the cause or the community or for ourselves.

Another important reason for doing anything is to increase members and member retention. Having more members both increases the reach of our efforts and accounts for the burnout that is to be expected from this work. More hands make less work, and getting more hands involved will make less burnout. We also need to fulfil our obligation to unify and educate leftist elements in the community so that we present a real force against the rising fascist threats we face.

Material Guidance/ Aims

Our work is serious work, and requires serious and organized planning. Just as a runner preparing for a competitive race who doesn’t time themselves is not going to be effective when the race day arrives, we will not be effective unless we can measure our successes or failures.

While our “big race” is the liberation of the working class, this presents an intangible and non-Marxist outlook that we must avoid using as any measure of success. In the steps leading up to that great struggle, we must execute smaller, more attainable goals to prepare, just as the runner prepares by measuring their speed during practice and setting a goal pace to achieve for themselves.

Therefore, before any demonstration, in the planning or conceptual stage, organizers should consider the material, tangible aims of the project. It should be something that they can articulate and make clear, with key benchmarks outlining failure or success. Examples of this would be number of meals fed for a food distribution, number of people signed up for classes or for the club if tabling an event, or number of miles walked in a demonstration. Point being, there must always be a measure that outlines “success” for an event, even if the event if something as simple as a march.

Any organization should follow the processes developed by the successful communist projects of the past, and as such they should further outline both short and long term goals for themselves, separating them by years of months as suitable. An example of this would be the number of new members added within a three month period (in the short term), or the purchase of some big investment such as a building or vehicle (in the long term). However, care should be taken in conceiving such plans that they are not too idealistic or unattainable.

This allows the organization to maintain momentum and the involvement of its members. It has long been the death of communist groups when they stopped pushing for more members and became complacent with what they had, or stopped engaging the public in any meaningful way. We cannot allow ourselves to follow suit.


[1] The Diminishing Power of Protests: A Call for Activism Redefined – The Science Survey (accessed 2025).

[2] House Democrats pass police funding bills despite divisions | AP News (accessed 2025)

[3] The New Age of Activism: Social Movements Shaping 2024 – The Ratomir Repository (accessed 2025).

[4] Theses On Production Propaganda – V. I. Lenin, Lenin’s Collected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 31, pages 404-406 (accessed 2025).

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